Wednesday, 20 October 2010
Monday, 25 January 2010
Background to why I think the US should be in Haiti for as long as it takes.
The Haitian revolution
Before independence in 1801, the island of Hispaniola, now comprising Haiti and the Dominican Republic, was divided between French Saint-Domingue and Spanish Santo Domingo. The island became the principle exporter of sugar and coffee, which were grown on plantations farmed by almost 800,000 slaves, and provided half of European imports of both products.
The French Revolution saw the "Declaration of the Rights of Man", which enshrined equality without mention of race. Notable "gens de couleurs" (freed slaves, often of mixed race) campaigned to be given the vote accordingly, but were refused by the elite "grands blancs", leading to an unsuccessful insurgency in 1790. On 14 August 1791, revolution spread among Haiti's black slaves, precipitated by a voodoo priest leading a slave uprising in the North following a religous ceremony. After three years of civil war, the French authorities abolished slavery in 1794.
The end of slavery gained the loyalty of many black commanders to France, who defended the country against the British during the Revolutionary Wars. Most notable was Toussaint L'Ouverture, still considered one of the father's of the nation, who invaded Spanish Santo Domingo, uniting the island and freeing its remaining slaves. Buoyed by victory, he declared national autonomy from France with the constitution of 1801, under which he would rule as governor for life.
Haiti's declaration of independence led to an expedition by a Napoleonic army to recapture the island, which was supported by some "gens de couleur" who feared the growing confidence of the "noirs" (African ex-slaves). L'Ouverture attempted to cut a deal with the French expedition, but was betrayed and imprisoned in France. Once it emerged that Napoleon intended to restore slavery, many turned against the French. Led by Jean Jacques Dessalines, they defeated a French army plagued by yellow fever. Dessalines declared full independence in 1801.
American relations with Haiti
After Haiti won independence from France in 1801, fearing the slave revolt might spread to the United States, Congress imposed a trade embargo on the country in 1806. The US did not recognise Haitian independence until 1862.
In the 20th century, the US regularly intervened in Haitian affairs. Between 1915 and 1934, the American military occupied the country. American marines were brutal in their suppression of resistance to the US, and were found to have killed 3,250 Haitians by a US inquiry. However, this was a period of relative economic prosperity for the country.
From 1957, the US supported the dictatorships of "Papa Doc" and "Baby Doc" Duvalier. Fearing Cuban influence, they provided these repressive rulers with military and economic aid, which they freezed only temporarily in response to their greatest outrages.
The end of the Duvalier dictatorships in 1986 brought on a fragile transition to democracy, marked by the election of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who was then deposed in a coup after a vote of no confidence led him to attempt to rule without parliamentary support. Although the Clinton administration reinstated the felled Aristide government in 1994, it remained frustrated at the pace of privatisation. George W Bush's 2004 intervention in Haiti - in which, in all likeliness, the US orchestrated the deposition of Aristide - has been widely interpreted as an attempt to restore the pace of economic liberalisation.
Race and class
Before independence, French rule established a tripartite racial caste system, comprised of "blancs" (divided into richer "grand blancs" and poorer "petit blancs"), "gens de couleur" (free men, usually mixed race) and the "noirs", African slaves who made up 90% of the population. The "grand blancs" themselves agitated for independence to avoid paying taxes to France.
The "Code Noir", governing the treatment of slaves, sanctioned the use of corporal punishment against slaves, many of whom were regularly beaten and maltreated.
Independent Haitian governments have varied between being defenders of the mixed race elite and radical supporters of the black poor. After independence, Dessalines banned white people owning property in Haiti and the murders of white plantation owners outraged Europe and America. Jean Pierre Boyer, president from 1818 to 1843, depended on the elite, whereas the Duvaliers purported to represent the black poor. Class tensions still divide Haiti, with the slum dwellers of the Cite Soleil providing a recalcitrant bastion of support for ousted President Aristide.
Poverty
Haiti is the poorest country in the Western hemisphere. Over half of Haitians live on under $1 per day. The average income per person is just $2 per day. One half have no running water in their homes, and two thirds have no proper sanitation.
According to the World Bank, Haiti ranks only just above Sudan and Somalia in "respect for rule of law" and "government effectiveness".
A series of natural disasters - 15 since 2001 - have exacerbated poverty. Hurricanes, mudslides and now this devastating earthquake. Haiti has been almost totally deforested as poor urban Haitians have harvested wood for charcoal. This has made the country even more susceptible to the ravages of its climate.
Before independence in 1801, the island of Hispaniola, now comprising Haiti and the Dominican Republic, was divided between French Saint-Domingue and Spanish Santo Domingo. The island became the principle exporter of sugar and coffee, which were grown on plantations farmed by almost 800,000 slaves, and provided half of European imports of both products.
The French Revolution saw the "Declaration of the Rights of Man", which enshrined equality without mention of race. Notable "gens de couleurs" (freed slaves, often of mixed race) campaigned to be given the vote accordingly, but were refused by the elite "grands blancs", leading to an unsuccessful insurgency in 1790. On 14 August 1791, revolution spread among Haiti's black slaves, precipitated by a voodoo priest leading a slave uprising in the North following a religous ceremony. After three years of civil war, the French authorities abolished slavery in 1794.
The end of slavery gained the loyalty of many black commanders to France, who defended the country against the British during the Revolutionary Wars. Most notable was Toussaint L'Ouverture, still considered one of the father's of the nation, who invaded Spanish Santo Domingo, uniting the island and freeing its remaining slaves. Buoyed by victory, he declared national autonomy from France with the constitution of 1801, under which he would rule as governor for life.
Haiti's declaration of independence led to an expedition by a Napoleonic army to recapture the island, which was supported by some "gens de couleur" who feared the growing confidence of the "noirs" (African ex-slaves). L'Ouverture attempted to cut a deal with the French expedition, but was betrayed and imprisoned in France. Once it emerged that Napoleon intended to restore slavery, many turned against the French. Led by Jean Jacques Dessalines, they defeated a French army plagued by yellow fever. Dessalines declared full independence in 1801.
American relations with Haiti
After Haiti won independence from France in 1801, fearing the slave revolt might spread to the United States, Congress imposed a trade embargo on the country in 1806. The US did not recognise Haitian independence until 1862.
In the 20th century, the US regularly intervened in Haitian affairs. Between 1915 and 1934, the American military occupied the country. American marines were brutal in their suppression of resistance to the US, and were found to have killed 3,250 Haitians by a US inquiry. However, this was a period of relative economic prosperity for the country.
From 1957, the US supported the dictatorships of "Papa Doc" and "Baby Doc" Duvalier. Fearing Cuban influence, they provided these repressive rulers with military and economic aid, which they freezed only temporarily in response to their greatest outrages.
The end of the Duvalier dictatorships in 1986 brought on a fragile transition to democracy, marked by the election of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who was then deposed in a coup after a vote of no confidence led him to attempt to rule without parliamentary support. Although the Clinton administration reinstated the felled Aristide government in 1994, it remained frustrated at the pace of privatisation. George W Bush's 2004 intervention in Haiti - in which, in all likeliness, the US orchestrated the deposition of Aristide - has been widely interpreted as an attempt to restore the pace of economic liberalisation.
Race and class
Before independence, French rule established a tripartite racial caste system, comprised of "blancs" (divided into richer "grand blancs" and poorer "petit blancs"), "gens de couleur" (free men, usually mixed race) and the "noirs", African slaves who made up 90% of the population. The "grand blancs" themselves agitated for independence to avoid paying taxes to France.
The "Code Noir", governing the treatment of slaves, sanctioned the use of corporal punishment against slaves, many of whom were regularly beaten and maltreated.
Independent Haitian governments have varied between being defenders of the mixed race elite and radical supporters of the black poor. After independence, Dessalines banned white people owning property in Haiti and the murders of white plantation owners outraged Europe and America. Jean Pierre Boyer, president from 1818 to 1843, depended on the elite, whereas the Duvaliers purported to represent the black poor. Class tensions still divide Haiti, with the slum dwellers of the Cite Soleil providing a recalcitrant bastion of support for ousted President Aristide.
Poverty
Haiti is the poorest country in the Western hemisphere. Over half of Haitians live on under $1 per day. The average income per person is just $2 per day. One half have no running water in their homes, and two thirds have no proper sanitation.
According to the World Bank, Haiti ranks only just above Sudan and Somalia in "respect for rule of law" and "government effectiveness".
A series of natural disasters - 15 since 2001 - have exacerbated poverty. Hurricanes, mudslides and now this devastating earthquake. Haiti has been almost totally deforested as poor urban Haitians have harvested wood for charcoal. This has made the country even more susceptible to the ravages of its climate.
Thursday, 21 January 2010
Light clearing on top of Stormont?
Signs are beginning to emerge that a deal on policing and justice powers in Northern Ireland could be near to completion, with the Belfast Telegraph reporting that a deal could be struck by the end of the week.
Expectations have been raised by news that the DUP and Sinn Fein are now holding talks with the UUP, SDLP and Alliance Party, raising the possibility that a deal between the DUP and Sinn Fein might have been brokered.
Speaking during question time in the Assembly on Monday, Acting First Minister Arlene Foster sounded more positive on moves to devolving policing and justice powers. She said:
“The Scottish Government have full control of policing and justice, without any implications for the union, and the Welsh Assembly is moving towards primary legislative powers. People need to be cognisant of those issues. So, when the outstanding issues are dealt with, policing and justice will be good for all the people of Northern Ireland and should not be viewed in a sectoral way.”
The DUP have been more cautious than Sinn Fein on devolving police and justice powers. On the timing of a deal, UTV’s Politcial Editor Ken Reid has said:
“For a deal to stick it seems to me that date will have to be before the Westminster election which is due in May.”
Not all parties however have been so positive.
Jim Allistar, leader of the Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) party – a party formed in December 2007 by a splinter group from the DUP – has accused his former party of rushing through a deal because they feared the consequences of early elections. He said:
“Sinn Fein have held a gun to Peter Robinson’s head where he has a choice to make – either he rolls over and gives them their demand for policing and justice or he faces the collapse of the assembly and an election.“
The Ulster Unionist Party have also warned that they will not be treated as “second class citizens”. Speaking before the all-party meetings, UUP MLA, Basil McCrea, who sits on the policing board, raised his party’s suspicions that the talks were a PR exercise, going on to express disappointment that his leader, Sir Reg Empey, only found out about the discussions through the media.
Meanwhile, Mr McCrea has accused the cross-community Alliance Party of “selling its soul” for the chance of securing the position of Justice Minister as and when negotiations are successfully concluded. His allegation came after the Alliance party withdrew a motion it had tabled for debate in Assembly, which was critical of the Executive. The motion read:
“This Assembly notes the large number of critical issues that the Executive have failed to resolve; expresses deep concern about the consequences for good governance, the economy and public services; and calls on the Executive to meet their responsibilities and to act in a collective manner for the good of Northern Ireland.”
McCrea has made clear his belief that the next Justice Minister should be appointed under the terms of the complex d’Hondt method, which would not warrant the Alliance achieving its first executive post. However, with Sinn Fein and the DUP ruling out taking the post themselves, preferring a cross-community appointment, Alliance party leader David Ford has been seen as the favourite to take on this sensitive post.
Reacting to the accusation, the Alliance Party’s Deputy Leader, Naomi Long, said that McCrea’s words were “riddled with inconsistencies” and were a “cynical exploitation of the current difficulties in the Executive for short-term party political gain”. Whilst positive signs may be emerging from negotiations, it should be remembered that given the twists and turns in the road to devolving policing and justice powers, nothing will have been completed until a Justice Minister is squarely in place at Stormont.
As David Ford has concluded:
“Northern Ireland needs stability – we need a genuinely shared future and a new Justice Department with agreed policies which allow it to deliver for everyone from day one.”
Phil Rodgers
Expectations have been raised by news that the DUP and Sinn Fein are now holding talks with the UUP, SDLP and Alliance Party, raising the possibility that a deal between the DUP and Sinn Fein might have been brokered.
Speaking during question time in the Assembly on Monday, Acting First Minister Arlene Foster sounded more positive on moves to devolving policing and justice powers. She said:
“The Scottish Government have full control of policing and justice, without any implications for the union, and the Welsh Assembly is moving towards primary legislative powers. People need to be cognisant of those issues. So, when the outstanding issues are dealt with, policing and justice will be good for all the people of Northern Ireland and should not be viewed in a sectoral way.”
The DUP have been more cautious than Sinn Fein on devolving police and justice powers. On the timing of a deal, UTV’s Politcial Editor Ken Reid has said:
“For a deal to stick it seems to me that date will have to be before the Westminster election which is due in May.”
Not all parties however have been so positive.
Jim Allistar, leader of the Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) party – a party formed in December 2007 by a splinter group from the DUP – has accused his former party of rushing through a deal because they feared the consequences of early elections. He said:
“Sinn Fein have held a gun to Peter Robinson’s head where he has a choice to make – either he rolls over and gives them their demand for policing and justice or he faces the collapse of the assembly and an election.“
The Ulster Unionist Party have also warned that they will not be treated as “second class citizens”. Speaking before the all-party meetings, UUP MLA, Basil McCrea, who sits on the policing board, raised his party’s suspicions that the talks were a PR exercise, going on to express disappointment that his leader, Sir Reg Empey, only found out about the discussions through the media.
Meanwhile, Mr McCrea has accused the cross-community Alliance Party of “selling its soul” for the chance of securing the position of Justice Minister as and when negotiations are successfully concluded. His allegation came after the Alliance party withdrew a motion it had tabled for debate in Assembly, which was critical of the Executive. The motion read:
“This Assembly notes the large number of critical issues that the Executive have failed to resolve; expresses deep concern about the consequences for good governance, the economy and public services; and calls on the Executive to meet their responsibilities and to act in a collective manner for the good of Northern Ireland.”
McCrea has made clear his belief that the next Justice Minister should be appointed under the terms of the complex d’Hondt method, which would not warrant the Alliance achieving its first executive post. However, with Sinn Fein and the DUP ruling out taking the post themselves, preferring a cross-community appointment, Alliance party leader David Ford has been seen as the favourite to take on this sensitive post.
Reacting to the accusation, the Alliance Party’s Deputy Leader, Naomi Long, said that McCrea’s words were “riddled with inconsistencies” and were a “cynical exploitation of the current difficulties in the Executive for short-term party political gain”. Whilst positive signs may be emerging from negotiations, it should be remembered that given the twists and turns in the road to devolving policing and justice powers, nothing will have been completed until a Justice Minister is squarely in place at Stormont.
As David Ford has concluded:
“Northern Ireland needs stability – we need a genuinely shared future and a new Justice Department with agreed policies which allow it to deliver for everyone from day one.”
Phil Rodgers
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